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Web-only Exclusives
November 30, 2000

From Our Correspondent: Hirohito and the War
A conversation with biographer Herbert Bix

From Our Correspondent: A Rough Road Ahead
Bad news for the Philippines - and some others

From Our Correspondent: Making Enemies
Indonesia needs friends. So why is it picking fights?

Asiaweek Time Asia Now Asiaweek story

INDONESIA:

DASHED HOPES

Part 3: LOCKED AND LOADED


IF PUBLIC DEMANDS AROUND the regular MPR session in March had focused on removing Suharto, the ones during this special session had crystallized on removing the armed forces from their role in government. Suharto, after all, had relied on the generals to rule. But it was far easier to get rid of him than to diminish the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (known by its Indonesian initials ABRI).

The new law on political representation, as originally drafted, gave the military no parliamentary seats. The government had requested their reinstatement, though the number of seats would be reduced from 75 to 55, or 10% of the new parliament. Their representation on provincial and local parliaments would also be halved, from 20% to 10%.

"Empirically speaking," says law drafter Andi Mallarangeng, "ABRI political forces cannot be wiped out entirely." Indeed, every political faction - including the opposition - would rather have the military allied with it than against it. The Ciganjur Agreement gave the abolishment of the military's dual role a six-year deadline. Even the students exulted when they were joined Nov. 14 - the day after the MPR session ended - by the marines who led them to parliament. And if the elections, as expected, return a parliament with no definite majority, the military's support could be crucial.

Yet, as veteran oppositionist Marsillam Simanjuntak points out, wooing ABRI is a product of old thinking, which holds that the military "is not an instrument of the state, but an autonomous entity." He argues: "This is a politically constructed reality - this is a thing to be erased."

Civilian politicians need the military - but the military also needs the civilians. Under his rule, Suharto made the military strong, but he also made it weak. He kept its budget and numbers small - about 500,000 soldiers for a country of over 200 million people. He ensured it was riddled with division, from the air force and navy jealousy of army privileges to the existence of shadowy commands that pay scant obeisance to the armed forces chief. Suharto also hand-picked the top leaders, so that they were loyal to him but squabbled among themselves. This set-up paralyzed the army during the May tumult; the rivalry between Wiranto and Suharto son-in-law Lt.-Gen. Prabowo Subianto hindered the military from pushing out the old man.

Since their patron's departure, ABRI seems to have lost direction. Of all the social institutions, it has perhaps evolved the least, allowing its critics to gain strength. Says Simanjuntak: "We have an untested military - so much perceived power but without self-confidence." While busy weeding out allies of Prabowo from the military, Wiranto and his top generals failed to show how ABRI had reformed, even as revelations of its abuses snowballed. The armed forces chief, initially admired for his steadfastness and professionalism, is now seen, even among generals, as a weak personality whose sole strong point is loyalty.

But that quality may save his job, at least for the moment, even though the day after the violence, Habibie's close associates pressured the president to fire the military chief, who also holds the defense portfolio. "Wiranto has done exactly what Habibie ordered," says Marcus Mietzner, a German academic studying the military. "Whatever Habibie tells him, he's ready to do it." Late on Nov. 14, Habibie ordered his defense minister to take firm measures against those trying to topple a "legitimate" government. Lucky for Wiranto, talk of a curfew was enough to disperse most of the crowd outside parliament.

The government then looked for someone to blame for the turmoil. Their first target: 17 public figures who had signed a manifesto on Nov. 12 demanding a new government. As of presstime, 20 had been arrested for questioning, said police.

Habibie's friends and colleagues in government pressed on with the idea that the demonstrations had been part of a conspiracy to discredit Wiranto and topple the government. Achmad Tirtosudiro, Habibie's successor as chairman of the Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals, pointed the finger at a group of retired generals, known as the National Front. Two of their members - former Jakarta governor Ali Sadikin and Kemal Idris - had signed the manifesto."They see that Wiranto can work with the government," says Marwah Daud Ibrahim, vice-chairman of the MPR's Golkar faction. To destroy him, she says, "they see the best way is character assassination."

Part 1: Dashed Hopes | Part 2: Youthful Impatience | Part 3: Locked and Loaded | Part 4: Who Will Lead?


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